What sorts of linguistic features distinguish

What sorts of lingual characteristics distinguish regional and societal assortments of English? How have research workers tried to explicate such fluctuation?

This essay will place lingual characteristics peculiar to regional and societal assortments of English, and at the same time bespeak the factors which seem to hold produced these differences. I will foremost research the development of English, and so analyze two of the chief kinds of lingual characteristics which differentiate assortments from one another, Grammar and Pronunciation. This will be followed by a sum-up of the chief points of the essay.

Harmonizing to Bede, Britain was invaded in around 450 Ad by three Germanic folks, the Angles, the Saxons and the Jutes. ( Sherley-Price, 1968, pp.55-6 )

Each folk spoke its ain idiom, and settled in different parts of the state. From these idioms emerged the different Anglo-Saxon idioms of Mercia and Northumbria ( Angles ) , Kent ( Jutes ) and Wessex, East Anglia, Essex and Sussex ( Saxons ) . This position is supported by Crystal ( 1988 ) , but others, such as DeCamp ( 1958, p. 232 ) believe that these idioms originated in Britain itself ( Dick Leith, 1996, p101 ) . Nevertheless, regional assortments were clearly present from the earliest yearss of the English linguistic communication.

Variation in English Grammar

Different assortments of English show differences in verb signifiers. See below:

South-westEngland

East Anglia

Standard English

I loves

I love

I love

you loves

you love

you love

she, he, it loves

she, he, it love

she, he, it loves

we loves

we love

we love

they loves

they love

they love

( Cheshire and Milroy, 1993, p. 16 )

The assortments used in South-west England and in East Anglia do non distinguish between the third-person remarkable signifier ( she, he, it loves ) and other signifiers, although they in bend differ from one another. In Anglo-Saxon, each signifier of the verb had a different stoping, to distinguish between individual and figure. The development of English included the dropping of most of these inflexions. Standard English is based on a idiom which kept the third-person remarkable inflexion, whereas other idioms followed different solutions. Similar differences arise in other assortments of English, such as in Singapore. This could be because of the influence of local linguistic communications, but it could besides be because people talking English as a 2nd linguistic communication eliminate unneeded differences. In English the pronoun tells you all you need to cognize about individual and figure, and inflexions are excess.

A similar state of affairs prevails with irregular verbs, where different idioms simplify the regulations. Here are three illustrations:

Tyneside Irish Standard

Base

Past

Past Participle

Base

Past

Past Participle

Base

Past

Past Participle

sing

American ginseng

American ginseng

sing

Sung

Sung

sing

American ginseng

Sung

come

come

came

come

come

come

come

came

come

give

give

give

give

give

give

give

gave

given

( Based on Harris, 1993 and McDonald, 1981, cited in Beal, 1993 )

There is besides a pronounced difference in how discrepancies use personal pronouns. See the following tabular array:

Tyneside

Standard

Person

Capable

Non-subject

Capable

Non-subject

Remarkable

1st

I

us

I

me

2neodymium

ye

you

you

you

3rd

she

her

she

her

he

him

he

him

it

it

it

it

Plural

1st

us

we

we

us

2neodymium

yous

yous/yees

you

you

3rd

they

them

they

them

( Adapted from Beal, 1993, p. 205 )

Although the Tyneside usage ofusinstead thanmeas a first individual, “non-subject” pronoun looks unusual, it is found in many other assortments, as in the look

“Giveusa kiss” . However, signifiers like “United states’ll do it” and “They beatwefour nothing! ” are typical to this assortment, and change by reversal the normal Standard English use.

The differentiation between the singular and plural 2nd individual pronouns “you” and “yous” is common to many assortments, and is found in north-east and north-west England, Scotland, Northern and Southern Ireland, parts of North America and Australia. ( Thomas, 1996, p. 245 )

Although there seems small principle for the shift ofus/meandus/we, there is public-service corporation in distinguishing between remarkable and plural in the 2nd individual. The dropping of the archaic1000as a 2nd individual, remarkable pronoun in Standard English has created a spread in the ability to distinguish between remarkable and plural, which these discrepancies fill withyousoryees.

Pronunciation

Accents are associated with parts. In the UK there is a clear north/south divide as a consequence of “the Great Vowel Shift” , which started impacting the pronunciation of vowels in England from the 15Thursdaycentury. This alteration seems to hold started in the south-east of the state from where it bit by bit percolated due norths. However, it seems that this motion faded out approximately at a line running across the state between the River Humber in the E to the River Ribble in the West. Communities North of this line have retained many characteristics of the old pronunciation, and this is what makes it so easy to distinguish between north/south regional speech patterns. ( Wright, 1996, pp 270-273 ) One of the most obvious differences is the pronunciation of the “a” in words like “bath” and “castle” , with Northerners articulating it as in “cat” and Southerners like the sound the physician asks us to do when we have a sore pharynx. ( Say “ah” ! ) . A factor which undermines regional speech patterns in the UK is societal mobility. A survey of speech patterns amongst kids in Milton Keynes demonstrated that kids from households with a assortment of regional speech patterns who had moved to Milton Keynes were developing a generalised, south-eastern speech pattern, in a procedure which linguists refer to as Dialect Levelling. ( Paul Kerswill, 1996, p. 292 )

Accents besides enable us to put talkers in different societal, age and cultural groups. Children’s speech patterns vary in proportion to how many old ages of instruction they have had. Having a strong, regional speech pattern is seen as a mark of a low degree of instruction, and talking Standard English with a more impersonal speech pattern is considered a mark of a good educated individual. There is a inclination to utilize more impersonal speech patterns as the context becomes more formal. In the 1960s William Labov did a survey on pronunciation in New York City, and found that the usage of a esteemed pronunciation became increasingly more prevailing as state of affairss varied between insouciant address ( least prevalent ) , through interviews, to reading undertakings. Of the 6 societal categories studied, the members of the 2nd highest category, the “lower middle class” , showed the greatest alteration in their use as the undertakings became more formal. From this he postulated that these talkers were more insecure about their societal ranking and had a higher aspiration to be accepted and recognized as members of the “upper center class” . ( Labov, 1968, in Susan Wright ( 1996, pp 276-279 ) )

Drumhead

Assortments of English are distinguished by differences in grammar and speech pattern. Regional assortments develop from the influence of pre-existing linguistic communications, from subsequent contact with new linguistic communications and due to the impact of more esteemed assortments. Variation in English grammar is seen in verb signifiers and personal pronouns, amongst other characteristics. Accent is a marker both of regional beginnings and societal category. Peoples tend to travel their pronunciation off from regional use towards more esteemed criterions, as state of affairss become more formal. In the UK, a major factor in the accent divide between north and South has been the “Great Vowel Shift” , which affected chiefly the southern half of the state. Not all differences between assortments can be explained. Many are the consequence of the natural impetus which occurs when speech communities become isolated from one another.

Bibliography

Beal ( 1993 ) in Linda Thomas ( 1996 )Variation in English Grammar( pp 228 and 244 ) in David Graddol, Dick Leith and Joan Swan ( Eds. )English- history, diverseness and alterationLondon: Routledge / The Open University. ( pp 222-258 )

Cheshire and Milroy ( 1993 ) in Linda Thomas ( p 227 ) as above

Crystal ( 1988 ) in Dick Leith ( 1996 )The Origins of English( p 101 ) in Graddol, Leith and Swan ( Eds. ) as above ( pp 95-135 )

DeCamp ( 1958, p 232 ) in Dick Leith ( 1996, p 101 ) as above

David Graddol ( 1996 )English Manuscripts: The Emergence of a Visual Identityin Graddol, Leith and Swan ( Eds. ) as above ( pp 41-94 )

Harris ( 1993 ) in Linda Thomas ( p 228 ) as above

Hughes and Trudgill ( 1987 ) in Linda Thomas ( p 229 ) as above

Paul Kerswill ( 1996 )Milton Keynes and Dialect Levelling in South-Eastern British Englishin Susan WrightAccents of English( 1996 ) ( pp 292-300 ) in Graddol, Leith and Swan ( Eds. ) as above ( pp 259-300 )

William Labov ( 1968 ) in Susan Wright ( pp 276-279 ) as above

Dick Leith ( 1996 )English- Colonial to Postcolonialin Graddol, Leith and Swan ( Eds. ) as above ( pp 180-221 )

Dick Leith ( 1996 )The Origins of Englishin Graddol, Leith and Swan ( Eds. ) as above ( pp 95-135 )

McDonald ( 1981 ) in Linda Thomas ( p 228 ) as above

Sherley-Price ( 1968, pp. 55-6 ) in David Graddol ( p 45 ) as above

Linda Thomas ( 1996 )Variation in English Grammarin Graddol, Leith and Swan ( Eds. ) as above ( pp 222-258 )

Trask, R. L. ( 2001 )A Student’s Dictionary of Language and LinguisticsLondon: Arnold

Susan WrightAccents of English (pp 274-275 ) in Graddol, Leith and Swan ( Eds. ) as above ( pp 259- 300 )