What force do humanitarian norms exert on international

What force do human-centered norms exert on international society?

( Case Study ) : Is there a norm of human-centered intercession?

The terminal of the Second World War saw the extent of the offenses of the Nazi government revealed. In response to the disclosure of the mass slaying of between 9 and 11 million people international society committed itself to a figure of rules of humanism: in visible radiation of an illustration of terrible abuse the thought of a human-centered limitation on sovereignty was founded. As the post-war order was being established, human-centered norms were adopted by the UN and its component bureaus. Since so, other international administrations have committed themselves to humanitarianism, as can be seen in the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms ( ECHR ) , the African Charter on People’s Rights, and the fundamental law of the International Criminal Court ( ICC. )

The international administrations that have adopted human-centered rules constitute touchable concrete legal forces in international society that demand conformity with human-centered norms: humanism is a force in international society because it has become portion of international jurisprudence. For illustration, the ICC can prosecute persons for race murder, offenses against humanity and war offenses. Similarly, the ECHR, and the determinations of its associated tribunal ( the European Court of Human Rights ) are lawfully adhering on member provinces. These intergovernmental administrations besides operate as a force because they have adopted advancing human-centered norms as theirmodus operandi: they will force for human-centered ends even against the involvements of the provinces that created, and organisationally command, them because they feel that is their intent ( Barnett and Finnemore, 1999. ) In making so, these administrations operate as a direct manner of coercing provinces and elites to follow human-centered norms.

However, human-centered norms can besides exercise force on international society in less touchable and more indirect ways. One such manner can be understood by looking at the consequence and actions of the fomenters of international civil society – international non-governmental administrations ( INGOs ) . For illustration, Amnesty International seeks to direct international force per unit area against lawbreakers of human rights by earning media attending and alarming international civil society to issues of human rights maltreatment. Often in response to Amnesty run other political administrations arrange boycotts and protests against provinces that do non esteem human-centered norms ( Scoble and Wiseburg, 1974 ; Price, 1998. ) In making this, INGOs act as a push on non-violator provinces to take actions in state of affairss of human rights maltreatment and besides constrain possible lawbreakers by raising the cost of human rights maltreatment in the signifier of a consumer-led bead in trade or a loss of international prestigiousness.

Another manner that human-centered norms work indirectly is that they have become the criterion for the legitimacy of international actions. With the creative activity of the UN and increasing globalization, the foreign policies of autonomous provinces have become progressively capable to scrutiny by other provinces and the international populace over the last 50 old ages: significance that actions have to be portrayed as being human-centered, so as to be seen as being legitimate. Consequentially, actions that can non be legitimated are inhibited from taking topographic point ( Wheeler, 2002. ) For illustration, the US invasion of Afghanistan was supported by international society because it was successfully portrayed as being an act of self-defense, whereas the invasion of Iraq was unsuccessfully portrayed as being an act of ( preemptive ) self-defense and did non acquire any support from international society because it was non seen as legitimate. Although the invasion of Iraq still took topographic point, because it was seen as bastard it cost the US a important sum of political capital and, in consequence, served as a lesson for states that an effort to occupy another state without doing a strong human-centered statement is likely to be really dearly-won.

There are two grounds for human-centered norms holding become a force in international society. The first is that humanism has a cosmopolitan entreaty because it has a resonance with each of the different moral codifications around the universe ; international human-centered norms are similar to most national moral norms and therefore hold some component of cosmopolitan pertinence ( Price, 1998 ) . This, alongside the fact that the term “humanitarian” ( as in, something that has the involvements of world at bosom ) can merely be defined positively, has allowed human-centered norms to set up themselves as a sort of morality of international society ; set uping the international moral high land as something that is based on human-centered rules.

The 2nd ground that human-centered norms are a force in international society is because in the post-war period there was a existent drift for alteration and desire for a new type of planetary order. Political elites in the new post-war democracies ( such as West Germany, Austria, Italy ) sought to consolidate democracy in their states by forcing for adhering international understandings and international administrations that would constitutionally “lock in” the domestic political order ( Moravcsik, 2000. ) The self-interested actions of these political elites created a political drift for a robust international construction that discouraged absolutism and encouraged humanism.

Human-centered Intervention

Despite human-centered norms holding been entrenched in international society and international administrations, military human-centered intercessions were rare before the terminal of Cold War because the geopolitics of the Cold War dominated interstate dealingss. In fact, the illustrations of military human-centered intercessions during the Cold War are significantly different from post-Cold War illustrations. During the Cold War illustrations of human-centered intercessions were all one-sided actions taken by neighboring 3rd universe states – India’s intercession in East Pakistan ( Bangladesh ) , Vietnam’s intercession in Cambodia and Tanzania’s intercession in Uganda – instead than the American-led many-sided raids across the universe that have come to characterize human-centered intercession in the post-Cold War period.

During the 1990s, as the US was forced to reorient its foreign policy in response to the universe going unipolar, there were US-led human-centered intercessions in Somalia, Iraq and Kosovo, among others. These intercessions followed the “Clinton Doctrine” , which considered human-centered intercession and democratic expansion as the chief ends of US foreign policy ( Brinkley, 1997. ) Arguably, this international committedness was a merchandise of domestic political relations as, in visible radiation of media images of human agony, citizens began to foment for the US to step in abroad ( Wheeler and Bellamy, 2001. ) This was surely the instance in Somalia, where the US rapidly withdrew its forces after public support for the intercession evaporated following well-publicised footage of dead American soldiers being dragged through the streets of Mogadishu ( an incident which would subsequently animate the movieBlack Hawk Down. )

The human-centered intercessions of the Clinton Doctrine have a checked record of success in both the short- and long-run. So, for illustration, Somalia was an low failure, whereas Kosovo was a short-run failure ( NATO’s prophylactic tactics of high height bombing failed to forestall Serbian forces making a human-centered catastrophe by displacing 1000s of Kosovars from their places ) but has been a long-run success, with the country declaring independency earlier this twelvemonth ( Wheeler and Bellamy, 2001. )

The checked record of these human-centered intercessions reinforced statements that stress the importance of keeping sovereignty, non humanism, as the chief norm of international dealingss.

The Clinton Doctrine was swept off by the happening of 9/11 and the election of George W. Bush. The terrorist onslaught on the World Trade Centre on September 11Thursday2001 gave the US a new enemy – terrorists – who could replace the Soviets in being a uniting factor: terrorists could be defined as an immoral “them” , which would let the US authorities to specify a moral “us” ( Chomsky, 2001. ) The Bush Doctrine therefore saw the US once more reorient its foreign policy ; from human-centered intercession to the planetary ( and potentially ageless ) War on Terror. Because the pre-eminent place that the US holds in universe political relations and in the UN entails that any many-sided human-centered intercession must be supported by the US, other provinces lost enthusiasm for the construct when the US stopped forcing for human-centered intercession.

So, despite the turning tendency of intercessions during the 1990s, the norm in international society is presently for non-intervention and, alternatively of support for human-centered intercession, there is support for the Westphalian thought of sovereignty. But, while the intercessions taken during the 1990s did non set up a norm, they did set up a strong case in point for military human-centered intercession that has both the potency to be built upon by international civil society, or even by the current US President chosen, so as to do human-centered intercession a norm in the hereafter and has presently limited the thought of sovereignty by necessitating a step of human-centered legitimacy ( i.e. no race murders, dearths, cultural cleaning. )

Finally, one of import point to observe is that while military human-centered intercession is non a norm, non-forcible, non-military human-centered intercession is a norm in international society ( Ramsbotham and Woodhouse, 1996. ) INGOs and intergovernmental administrations, aboard provinces, work to better health care, better life conditions, provide exigency assistance, mediate struggles and build substructure in states around the universe. Because the work of these administrations does non conflict with the thought of sovereignty, does non necessitate alliances or high-ranking support, and has a good record of success in debaring or relieving human-centered catastrophes it has become widespread and is a human-centered norm of intercession that is widely supported by the international community.


There are a figure of forces that human-centered norms exert on international society. From a legal and institutional point of view, human-centered norms exert force because they are backed by international jurisprudence and the international political order that was established at the terminal of the Second World War. From an ideological point of view, human-centered norms exert force on international society because they have come to be criterions used to specify what is moral and what is legitimate.

While there are other forces and norms that are in drama in the international sphere, such as the thought of sovereignty, human-centered norms are a turning force because increased planetary communications allow increased international examination of provinces actions, as can be seen in the illustration of the world-wide effects of Iraq war. Even while disparagers may reason that human-centered norms are Western-centric ( which, doubtless, they are ) it is difficult to reason against the moral resonance of the cardinal message of humanism or to reason that it encourages immoral or unethical patterns.

The fact that humanism has to work in conformity with other factors to set up itself can be seen in the instance of military human-centered intercession. During the 1990s, as the US was forced to happen a new place for itself in the universe, military human-centered intercession had the possible to get the better of the thought of absolute sovereignty and go a norm of international society. However, the mixture of failures and successes of the 1990s intercessions, aboard 9/11 and the election of George W. Bush meant that military human-centered intercession was unable to go a norm in international society. But while the intercessions in the 1990s failed to set up a norm, they did set up a case in point for intercession that has the possible to be built upon in the hereafter.

As we can see from the instance of military human-centered intercession, human-centered thoughts have to work hard in viing with other thoughts and factors in an attempt to set up themselves as norms in the international system of province dealingss. Equally, as we can see from the instance of non-forcible, non-military human-centered intercession, human-centered thoughts have already established themselves as norms in international civil society – with the INGOs and intergovernmental administrations – which could potentially take to a transmutation of the international system of province dealingss from its current belief in sovereignty to a belief in humanism.



Chomsky, N. ( 2001 )9-11New York, Seven Stories Press

Ramsbotham, O. , and Woodhouse, T. , ( 1996 )Human-centered Intervention in Contemporary ConflictCambridge, Polity Press

Wheeler, N. ( 2002 )Salvaging Strangers: Human-centered intercession in international societyOxford, Oxford University Press

Book Chapters

Wheeler, N and Bellamy, J. ( 2001 ) “Humanitarian intercession and universe politics” in

Bayliss, J. and Smith S. ( Eds )The Globalization of World PoliticsOxford, Oxford University Press pp. 470-493


Barnett, M. and Finnemore, M. ( 1999 ) ‘The Politics, Power, and Pathologies of International Organizations’International Organization53 ( 4 ) pp.699-732

Brinkley, D ( 1997 ) “Democratic Expansion: The Clinton Doctrine”Foreign Policy106 pp.110-127

Moravcsik, A. ( 2000 ) “The Origins of Human Rights Regimes”International Organization54 ( 2 ) pp. 217-252

Monetary value, R. ( 1998 ) “ Change by reversaling the Gun Sightss: Transnational Civil Society Targets Land

Mines ”International Organization52 ( 3 ) pp.613-644

Scoble, H. M. and Wiseburg, L. S. ( 1974 ) “Human Rights and Amnesty International”Annalss of the American Academy of Political and Social Science413 pp.11-26